The New York City Board of Elections was recently forced to ­explain two huge mistakes. In one, 100,000 Brooklyn residents who had requested absentee ballots received ones with incorrect names and addresses. In another, many voters got ballots marked “Absentee Military,” though they didn’t serve in the armed forces.

Does it matter? You bet.

Any ballot sent in with the wrong address or name — rather than a corrected one that we’re told voters will eventually receive — won’t be counted. Ballots wrongly marked “military” will be counted, but many citizens won’t use them. This means a lot of New Yorkers could be ­effectively disenfranchised.

Gov. Andrew Cuomo and Mayor Bill de Blasio are blaming the blunder on an incompetent Board of Elections, and the board is, in turn, blaming an outside vendor. But as Hizzoner admitted, these slip-ups are standard procedure for the people who run our elections. Incompetence is sadly not the exception.

That’s why the chattering classes shouldn’t be so quick to dismiss the concerns voiced by President Trump about a national election in which as many as half of the votes cast might be mailed in.

In the New York primary held in June, we got a taste of what happens when mailed-in ballots ­replace the in-person ballot box without adequate official preparation. Turnout was down this year — 23 percent, compared to 33 percent in 2016 — but the process was still a disaster.

With 37 percent of the city’s votes sent in by mail, a staggering 84,000 ballots were disqualified for arriving late, lacking a postmark or not being signed by the voter. That’s one-fifth of all mailed-in ballots.

The count was also a nightmare, with some close races not being certified until more than two months after primary day.

The Board of Elections says it will do better in November. But their more recent stumbles in mailing out ballots undermine their iron assurances.

These problems aren’t limited to the klutzes running things in New York. Nationwide, in primaries held in 2020, more than 550,000 mailed-in ballots were disqualified.

Some 20,000 were thrown out in Wisconsin alone, more than the president’s winning margin in that battleground state four years ago. Even in states where exclusive voting by mail has been in place for years, and voters and tabulators supposedly know what they’re doing, as many as 1 percent of ballots get tossed.

In any general election, let alone one in which both parties claim the future of the republic is at stake, the turnout is far higher. And with the media needlessly terrifying Americans about in-person voting, and Democrats aggressively pushing mail-in, we are likely to face problems on an ­unprecedented scale.

And that’s not taking into account the very real dangers of voter fraud. In August, The Post published the “confessions” of a veteran Democratic operative who’d mastered the dark art of “harvesting” ballots to produce a crooked outcome. You’d have to forget everything you know about US political history, as well as human nature, to think politicians wouldn’t cheat if they thought they could get away with it.

But even if we accept assurances from liberals that voter fraud doesn’t exist, that still leaves us with a near certainty that millions of ballots cast by voters nationwide may wind up not being counted because of errors made by them or by authorities who sent them their ballots.

We may also be waiting weeks, if not months, before the outcomes in crucial states are known. That’s a guarantee of disputed ­results and lawsuits that will produce a crisis no matter who wins, not to mention riots if Trump appears to have a chance.

The pandemic may have left us no choice but to rely more on mailed-in ballots this year, even if in-person voting may be safe — certainly safer than going grocery-shopping. But Democrats need to stop pooh-poohing Trump’s concerns about an obvious problem. The mail-in problem is neither a conspiracy theory nor an attempt to suppress the vote. It’s time to acknowledge that the emphasis on mailed-in ballots is leading us to an election that will leave everyone unhappy — and perhaps a constitutional crisis.

Jonathan S. Tobin is editor-in-chief of JNS.org. Twitter: @JonathanS_Tobin

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